SURVIVAL IN THE NUCLEAR AGE

STATEMENT OF THE SYMPOSIUM Forty years ago this week the nations of the world, united by their struggle against a common enemy, and with fresh memories of the terrible conflict, convened with the resolve to save the succeeding generations from the scourge of war. Since then, in the nuclear age that followed, these hopes have faded, and our generation now faces a challenge to survival. THE NUCLEAR THREAT The escalation of the nuclear arms race arises in the main from political competition and increasing mistrust and lack of confidence between the two major alliances, and from the destabilizing effects of the rapidly advancing technology of nuclear and their delivery systems. These developments have increased tension in international relations and heightened the risk if nuclear war. They have resulted in the buildup of 50,000 nuclear warheads. The use of a fraction of existing arsenals of nuclear weapons could bring about catastrophic consequences for the global environment and the ecological balance; it could induce around our planet a nuclear winter which would be fatal for all including the attacker even without any retaliation, it would wreak devastation on belligerents and non-belligerents alike, and result in the destruction of civilization and jeopardize the very survival of humankind. We have reached the stage where a vast and i9ncreasing number of people the world over have come to recognize that any use of nuclear weapons is contrary to human conscience and reason, a crime against humanity, a violation of the foremost human right – the right to live. Mankind has not a common interest in wanting to survive. It has a moral obligation to do so. Yet negotiations on arms limitation and disarmament issues are lagging far behind the technological development of new weapons of greater accuracy, range versatility and destructive power. Also, qualitative improvements create weapon systems which become increasingly difficult to verify. If any side, in search of military advantage, develops and deploys strategic weapons that suggest and attempt to reach for a first strike capability, the other side inevitably responds. The escalations is unending; the risk of the outbreak of nuclear war becomes more likely causing greater insecurity and instability in all aspects of international relations. Any attempt to gain military superiority, or acquire capabilities “to fight and win nuclear wars” is not only illusory, but it undermines security for all. EAST WEST RELATIONS Just as the arms race is sustained by and fuels East-West tensions, so disarmament cannot be achieved save in the context of diminishing tension. While general and complete disarmament must remain the ultimate goal of all our efforts, human survival in the nuclear age imposes on the nuclear powers and immediate duty to move toward the elimination of nuclear arms. But it also makes it imperative that they exercise moderation and restraint in their mutual relations. Restraints in relations between nations must become a way of life. Is it does, the arms race will lose its stimulus and disbarment its obstacles. While the main burden of reaching agreement on disarmament must rest with the two powers and their allies, we believe that important roles exist for all countries and for all people – including those of the developing world whose survival is as endangered as ll other nations. Most specially, we see the need for coalitions of countries – that can together enlarge their influence with main nuclear powers to ensure human survival in the nuclear age. FREEZE If nuclear arms are to be effectively and meaningfully reduced there must first be a mutual and verification freeze on testing, production and deployment of all nuclear weapons and their delivery systems, along with a cut-off in the production and deployment of all nuclear weapons and their delivery systems, along with a cut-off in the production of fissionable materials for weapons purposes. Such a freeze would raise the level of trust among states, ease international tension and create a favorable atmosphere for drastic reductions of nuclear arsenals. This process could be initiated by either unilateral declarations or a joint declaration by the two superpowers. In The past, lack of consensus about the adequacy of verification of compliance with arms limitation measures has often prevented agreement. Present and potential verification capabilities are more than adequate to ensure that significant violations of the measures urged in this Statement cannot remain undetected. COMPREHENSIVE TEST BAN The prohibition of nuclear weapon tests in all environments by all states for all time has been the insistent demand of the international community for the least twenty-five years. No other disbarment issue has been pursued so persistently and for so long. A compressive test ban is crucial for the success of efforts to halt and reverse the nuclear arms race and to prevent the expansion of existing arsenals and the spread of nuclear weapons to additional countries. NO FIRST USE The solemn declaration made by two nuclear weapons states is an important contribution to decreasing the danger of nuclear war. We urge the other three nuclear states to assume a similar obligation not to be the first to use nuclear weapons. This would be tantamount to banning the use of nuclear weapons not only against all non-nuclear weapons states, but indeed against all states. OUTER SPACE Outer space is a “common heritage of mankind”. It is in the common interest that the exploration and use of outer space should be solely for peaceful purposes, that the arms race should not be extended there, and that outer space should not become a battle-ground of the future. Strategic defense initiatives relating to ballistic missile defense systems, under research and development, and anti-satellite systems, raise the serious possibility of militarization of outer space and a dangerous escalation of the nuclear arms race. They also threaten the viability of several existing arms limitation agreements. They introduce an altogether new element which is dangerous and destabilizing and might actually provoke the use of nuclear weapons by either side. Instead of rendering nuclear weapons obsolete, it is more likely to result in a redoubled arms race in bother defensive and offensive weapons. The collective weight of world scientific opinion rejects a “Star Wars” programme as an exercise in futility. In an environment of tension and insecurity, it is a highly dangerous and wasteful investment in delusion. There is no technical salvation from the threat of nuclear war. Only political solutions leading to the elimination of nuclear weapons can avert the danger. NON-PROLIFERATION 1985 will see the third review of the Non-Proliferation Treaty. The failure by nuclear weapons sates during the last fifteen years to fulfill their obligation under the NPT relating to the cessation of the nuclear arms race, and the continuation of vertical proliferation of nuclear weapons increases the danger of horizontal proliferation and endangers the entire non-proliferation regime. There is need for concrete and meaningful action now if the Non-Proliferation Treaty – which we emphasize, is a most important international agreement – is not to become yet another victim of the arms race. DISARMAMENT AND DEVELOPMENT There exists a dynamic triangular relationship between disarmament, development and security. So long as the arms race, and particularly the nuclear arms race, continues, the world will fail to achieve a more stable and balanced social and economic development within a more substainable international economic and political order, as well as global and national security. SIX HEADS OF GOVERNMENT PEACE INITIATIVE The declaration of the six heads of Government, of 22 May 1984 renewed in the New Delhi Declaration of 28 January, 1985, urged the nuclear powers to abide by the voice of reason. The Declaration welcomed the bilateral negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States on “ a complex of questions concerning space and nuclear arms…. With all the questions considered ad resolved in their inter-relationship.” PUBLIC OPINION The lack of political will by governments to halt and reserve the nuclear arms race has in large part been due to the absence of sufficient knowledge and understanding by the public of the nature and consequences of the arms race. It is necessary to inform and mobilize public opinion if meaningful progress is to be made. PORPOSED ACTION Meeting here on the occasion of the Award of the Third World Prize to Willy Brandt, we join him in the call he has made to the major nuclear powers to agree “on rules which make World War III impossible”. We wholly agree with him that it is “inacceptable and terrifying: that the people of the world must depend for their right to live on a small group of people in one or two capitals”, a situation now created by the irrational arms race. To this end, we call for the rapid initiation and implementation of a programme on disarmament which included the measures listed below on which action is most urgently required: 1- An agreement to prevent the militarization of and the extension of the arms race to outer space; 2- The immediate cessation of all tests of nuclear weapons and the prompt conclusion of a comprehensive test ban treaty; 3- A mutual and verifiable freeze on the testing, production and deployment of nuclear weapons and their delivery systems; 4- A declaration by those nuclear weapon states that have not done so, not to be the fiorst to use nuclear weapons.